has designated India as a "country of particular concern," alleging that government officials have incited violence against minority groups through hate speech and the spread of inflammatory rumours. These actions have reportedly contributed to cases of mob violence and lynchings targeting minority communities. In response, Indian officials h🌼ave dismissed the report as biased. But is this critique justified, or does the report offer an objective analysis of the situation?
Insight into this question may be found in the recently published book The Status of Freedom of Religion or Belief in India Since 2014: A Report, by Irfan Engineer, pr♌oduced by the Centre for Study of Society and Secularism. The book traces violations of freedom of religion and belief since 2014, extensively documenting communal violence, hate speech, and lynchings through primary and secondary sources.
The book is divided into six chapters, concluding with a series of recommendations. These chapters address various issues fuelling communal violence and the decline in religious freedom, including anti-cow slaughter laws, anti-conversion laws, physica🎀l violence by non-state actors, and hate speech.
While ample literature exists on communal violence in In♐dia, engaging with the concepts of religious freedom and belief, this book distinguishes itself by asserting that “it goes beyond the enumeration of riots to show that their form has changed: the magnitude of the communal incidents is less, but their number has increased in order to maintain a state of constant tension” (p.1).
The introductory chapter refers Article 18 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, highlighting the importance of freedom of religion or belief. It also discusses how the Indian Constitution effectively reflects these legal covenants through rights such as religious manifestation, freedom of conscience, and the right to convert. Despite this, the author argues that Hindu nationalists challenge the constitutional framework through hate speech, often targeting minorities or discouraging fellow Hindus from converting to non-Hindu faiths. Post-2014, with a numerical majority, the BJP has more vehemently advanced the concept of a Hindu Rashtra. Regarding this idea, the author asks, ‘Does Hindu Rashtra goal aim to regulate and curtail the rights of religious minorities to freely profess, practice, and propagate their religion?’ and ‘Or is Hindu Rashtra’s political objective to grant the status of ‘national religion’ to Hinduism and Hindus as ‘national community’ enjoying supe🃏riority and privileges over other co🦂mmunities?’ (p.31).
Second chapter sheds light upon how the Citizenship Amendment Act 2019, alongside a series of Anti-Cow Slaughter laws, Anওti-Conversion laws, the Recovery of Damage to Public and Private Property Act, and The Assam Repealing Act 2021, have collectively contributed to a legal architecture advancing Hindutva principles in governance. These acts have systematically redefined certain civil and religious freedoms, intensifying the marginalisation of minority communities, particularly Muslims, and arguably supporting an agenda that aligns with the ideology of a “Hindu Rashtra.” Through selective protections and punitive measures, these laws have reinforc𒅌ed a majoritarian framework, subtly altering India's secular constitutional foundations.
For an instance, author argues pre-2014 anti-cow slaughter laws balanced sacred cow protection with agricultural economics by permitting aged cattle slaughter. Recent laws, however, prohibit all cattle slaughter, restricting beef trade and consumption. This shift aligns with Hindutva ideology, burdening livestock owners economically while enforcing Hindu cultural values on broader society. The cumulative effect𒁏 of these legislations appears to signal an incremental legal shift towards a formalised majori😼tarian state structure, challenging India’s pluralistic identity and fostering a socio-political environment supportive of Hindu nationalist ideologies.
The third chapter examines communal violence, observing that pre-2014 communal riots were large-scale, whereas ‘communal riots post-2014 have been more localised and sub-radar… The communal riots post-2014 spread out to places with no history of communal riots and in fact in locations which were considered peaceful’ (p.72). Notably, riots have shifted from urban to rural areas and increasingly occur in South and Northeast India, rather than primarily in North and West India as before. Social media and Hindu festivals, such as aggressive Ram Navami processions where ‘participants...carry Hindu symbols and arms and raise derogatory anti-Muslim slogans’ (p.73), often trigger violence. Political patronage fosters impunity among perpe🐠trators, exemplified by the Delhi riots of 2020.
Last chapter highlight role of hate speeches in fuelling in communal riots and stigmatised the vulnerable communities like Muslims and Christians. Author has categorised hate speech on the basis of a person who is delivering it. It has been categorised into three parts, first is a type delivered by persons in constitutional authorities like political leaders, second group of people are religious lead🦩ers, third group is been associated with other who doesn’t fall in these two groups.
Author has concluded this monograph by drawing readers attention to role of media in villainizing minority community, and also ro🎉le of state sponsored expenditure on promoting Hindu iconography Hindu festivals celebration. These claims have also been supported by CSSS dataset and other secondary sources. ‘The state in 2022 was seen promoting Hindu temples and spending large sums of money from state funds to promote them. The different states have spent or have sanctioned INR 6303𒊎79 crores on Hindu pilgrimages, renovation or beautification of temples or building roads giving these temples better access.’ (p.232)
Book is ending with series of recommendations where auth♑or mentioned to repeal many laws which came into effect post-2014 such as anti-conver﷽sion laws, amendments to anti-cow slaughter legislation, Citizenship Amendment Act, 2019 etc.
This book is a must read for scholars of Indian poli♍tics, constitutionalism, violence, minority studies, and concerned citizens of India.
Mohd Alfaz Ali is a Doctoral fellow with Centre for the Study of Social Exclusion and Inclusive Policy, Jamia Millia Islamia University. His research interest lies in identity and violence, the question of Secularism and communalism with Hindutva politics as a case study.
