“Hindava Sahodara Sarve”
[All Hindus are born of t🐷he same mother (h🦹ence related
to each other)]
“Hindu Na Patito Bhavet”
[No Hindu can be fallen (or is untouchable)]
These two slogans were raised by Hindu sants (saints) and scholars at the Vishwa Hindu Parishad’s (VHP) first Dharma Sansad in Allahabad in 1966. Several resolutions were passed unanimoꦏusly at this conference and the second one in Udupi in 1969. The two de༺clarations were endorsed by all the Shankaracharyas present at these two conferences. This was the most revolutionary call to Hindu society in hundreds of years.
The VHP was founded in 1964 in Sandipani Ashram of Swami Chinmayananda—who was one of the founders of the organisation—in the presence of Shri Guruji, the second Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) sarsanghchalak.
I can say with confidence that this is the only organisation affiliated with the RSS that rose to prominence due to the direct influence and intense groundwork of Shri Guruji. He could persuade hundreds of religious heads of all the major sampradayas,👍 sects and religions born in Bharat to come on one platform and agree to the call𝄹 of treating every Hindu as a brother, a member of the same family; and eradicating the idea of untouchability. It was path-breaking.
There are many examples of how Shri Guruji discouꦜraged organisations based on caste or customs a🤪nd rituals that were outdated and those that discriminated against any section of society. He would gently chide acharyas and sants who urged him to enforce outdated rituals and practices that perpetuated casteism.
Shri Balasaheb Deoras—the third sarsanghchalak of the RSS—asserted in his famous speech in Vasant Vyakhyanmala in Pune in May 1974—“If untouchability is not bad, there is nothing b🦩ad in this world. Whatever the cause of this horrible practice, it must be thrown out lock, stock, and barrel.” Drawing an analogy, he said that we do not keep drinking stale water from a well once we discover a well containing sweet fresh water.
The fact that there were no traces of discrimination, untouchability or discussions pertaining to caste among the members of the RSS had been famously accepted by Mahatma Gandhi and Babasaheb Ambedkar when they visited the RSS camps. Thus, practicing casteism is alien to the RSS philosophy. To further promote the idea of oneness, a platform—Samajik Samarasata Manch—was floated by RSS-inspired writers a🔯nd intellectuals in Maharashtra in 1983. Gradually, it became a national pla🐲tform for promoting inter-caste harmony and emerged as a support system for social equity.
The proposed caste survey may come up with startling data regarding how a few dominant groups are benefitting from reservations.
The RSS leadership has always encouraged inter-caste ma🎃rriages. It has also stepped in when the need arose. Take for instance the renaming of the Marathwada University to Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University. Fiery agitations instigated by Maratha leaders rocked Marathwada for nearly 16 years. T🦩hese sometimes took a violent turn. While politicians dilly-dallied over the issue and let the movement linger on for years—in the process creating huge fissures among Hindus—the RSS and its allied organisations like the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) stood firmly in favour of renaming and persisted until it was done.
Talking about discouraging casteism, I can think of at least three ൩resolutions passed by the RSS—in 1980, 1981 and 2005—exhorting Hindu society to rise above casteism and unite.
When the Mandal Commission report was suddenly implemented without any discussion and seemingly for the sake of vote bank politics, the RSS took a stand in favour of reservations despite strong opposition by some sections of Hindu society. Its own swayamsevaks were also agitated. But senior workers and prachaaraks of the RSS conducted workshops and organised meetings to explain to the young volunteers and workers why it was necessary. They wဣere sensitised about the probl🍷ems faced by the SC-ST community and the need for social harmony. Over a period of time, the Hindu community understood the need for reservations, although many still criticise the RSS for supporting it.
The RSS has been steadfast in its view—reservations must continue till the beneficiaries feel that it is not required. Dr Mohan Bhagwat, the present sarsanghchalak, too, has said this time and again. He has never questioned the concept of reservations; he, in fact, questioned why the benefits of reservations ha⭕ve not reached a large number of targeted beneficiaries. He suggested that we should analyse the reasons for this and review this anomaly so that the deserving sections can avail the benefits.
However, the statement was misconstrued and presented in a way that implied that the RSS does not want reservations. This is a typical ploy o꧂f the anti-Hindu forces who wish to drive a wedge between the members of Hindu society by misusing the fault lines of casteism.
The RSS chief, in fact, has given directions to the swayamsevaks to strive for “one mandir, one well and one cremation ground” in every village. This seemingly simple goal is🍨 actually very difficult as anyone who has lived in villages knows. But the RSS is striving to achieve this.
The problem is not caste but casteism. It is well known that most of the reserv🔯ation benefits are cornered by dominant castes within the SC-ST and the OBC categories while other communities get neglected. The court’s repeated directions to remove the ‘creamy layer’ from the beneficiary list stem from this notion. However, the dominant political OBC leadership—that b🎃anks on vote bank politics—does not want to forego the benefits even though one or two generations have managed to do well and do not need reservations anymore.
The proposed caste survey may come up with startling data regarding how a few dominant groups are benefitting from reservations while major groups are left out. The Bihar caste survey brought to light several such anomalies. The caste surveys done by the Congress in 2011 and by its own governmenꦍt in Karnataka have not🗹 been released. The Opposition needs to explain why it was not made public.
The RSS categorically stated recently that the caste survey should be carried out for better implementation of social welfare measures, not for politicking. However, the Opposition is only interested in politicking and not in the welfare of the beneficiaries. We have seen how reservations were used in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar to corner the benefits for a particular caste during the reigns of so-called secular Lohiaites. The caste survey may also be able toও find out if benefits meant for the SC-ST and the OBC Hindu communities ar🃏e being misused for the benefit of some minority communities.
The very rationale of reservations was that Hindu society has been discriminating against its own people on the basis of caste and so they needed to overcome centuries of exclusion. Since conversions into ‘casteless’ religions were done on the pretext of removing this discrimination, those who converted should not need reservations. An honest and transparent survey should be able to pinpoint these issues and allow the government to formulate better policies for the deserving deprived sections of society. Hence, the RSS’ suggestion is worthy of calm analysꦑis. No one has a monopoly over social justice.
We, ultimately, want social harmony in society. It, however, seems that the opposition leaders are not for it. They wish to break Hindu society in the name of caste and win elections by consolidating the minority vote bank and dividing Hindu votes. The issues of social equity, social harmony and social and economic justice should not become a political football nor an excuse for breaking Hindu society. Therefore, the suggestion of the RSS is worth pondering. Let cas🌼te survey be done objectively, carefully and sensitively, with the right spirit so the benefits of reservation reach the deserving people.
(Views expressed are personal)
Ratan Sharda is a commentator and the author of seven books on the RSS
(This appeared in the print as 'Caste Census')
