Memories Of Ghosts: Standing Up To 'The Beast' Of Syria

They have endured approximately 55 year🎃s of rule characterised by oppression, humiliation and arrogance. During this period, the majority of state institutions were subjugated to serve a singular family, overseen by enforcers whose primary responsibility has been to stifle any dissenting voices—be it children, women or the elderly.

There existed neither space for residents or recognition of citizens’ right to live with dignity. The policy was toജ keep people entrenched in their daily struggle for basic means of survival, while the revenues from our natural resources were redirected into Swiss and Austrian financial institutions. All of this transpired under the guise of a fabricated resistance and clandestine agreements with the occupying adversary, aimed at maintaining power for as long as possible until that inevitable moment arrives—a fate anticipated for every foolish and arrogant dictator: their eventual downfall.

Today🌼, Syria remains sovereign, and it will continue to do so indefinitely. The implications of ‘sectarianism’ are profoundly♚ alarming when it becomes a central element of power, especially in a nation like Syria that has historically been recognised as ‘the beating heart of Pan-Arabism’.

Since attaining independence, Syrians have championed the cause of Arab unity, proclaiming that no banner may be raised above the national flag except that ♛of unity itself. This commitment was exemplified in 1958 when they embraced Gamal Abdel Nasser as their president, entrusting him with the leadership of the nation without ♑reservation. In our analysis of Syria, we observe that the conflict initially surfaced within the Alawite community, then escalated within the Ba’ath Party, and ultimately extended to divisions within familial ties.

The family originally known as ‘Assad’ in Syria was referred to as the ‘Al-Wahsh Family’ (translated as ‘The Beast’). The patriarch, Suleiman, Bashar Al-Assad’s grandfather, is believed to have had roots in Iraq before settling on the outskirts of Qardaha village in the Laꦉtakia governorate. The Alawite community, akin to other communities, was subdivided into various clans and families that exhibited a range of socioeconomic status. The Suleiman family was categorised among the less affluent.

Prior to Syria’s independence in 1946, they collaborated with the French authorities to establish several political entities within Syria, including an ‘Alawite State’, with the assistance from numerous other families. In contrast, Alawite Sheikh Saleh Al-Ali joined forces with Sultan Pasha al-Atrash—the leader of the Great Syrian Revolution and head of the Druze community in southern Syria—against colonial rule while ♏advocating for national unity.

A fundamental condition for unity with Egypt was the disbandment of Syrian political parties, particularly the Ba’ath Party🙈, which had endorsed the💜 union. This was subsequently supplanted by a hybrid entity known as the ‘Arab Socialist Union’. Additionally, there were strategic relocations intended to undermine Syria’s social structure, including the assignment of pivotal officers to Egypt to mitigate potential threats.

Nevertheleওss, Egyptian intelligence operatives demonstrated a relative lack of initiative compared to Syrian military exiles in Egypt, who played a crucial role in monitoring activities. These exiles swiftly formed a clandestine group called the ‘Military Committee’, consisting of three Alawite officers—Suleim൲an’s son Hafez Al-Assad and his close associates Salah Jadid and Muhammad Imran—and two Ismaili officers—Abdul Karim Al-Jundi and Ahmad Al-Mir.

This secret military committee remained operational until after Syria’s separation from Egypt in 1961 and was involved in the Ba’ath Party coup against elected President Nazim al-Qudsi in 1963. Although Salah Jadid orchestrated this group, he made a critical miscalculꦯation by appointing Hafez Al-Assad—who held the lowest military rank among them—as Minister of Defence. Assad executed his own coup on October 16, 1970, under the guise of implementing corrective measures for the party. Assad systematically marginalised his associates within the ‘military commission’, eliminating them individually and tailoring their fate to their respective circumstances. Salah Jad🍷id ultimately spent his remaining years in the infamous Al-Mezzeh prison, where mass graves containing thousands of detainees were uncovered following its liberation in December 2024. Nour al-Din Al-Atassi, who held the title of ‘president of the state’, was removed from incarceration during his final days for medical treatment.

Both individuals endured over 20 years in some of the most🍸 deplorable facilities under Assad’s regime. In a tragic turn of events, Abdul Karim al-Jundi took his own life (1969) by inflicting multiple gunshot wounds upon himself—an act that underscores the extreme nature of despair within this regime, as one typically resorts to a single bullet for such an act. Such harrowing events have recurred in Syria under both Hafez and his son, Bashar, with the latter demonstrating a greater propensity for violence than his predecessor.

Bashar Al-Assad’s ouster escape has ignited new dialogues regarding democracy and freedom. These two ideals were pivotal during the Arab Spring in 2011. However, what initially began as mere rhetoric quickly evolved into reality, leading to regrettable consequences. Tunisia and Egypt fell under the influence of the Muslim Brotherhood, necessitating an authoritarian shift in both cases to prevent economic and institutional collapse. Libya, devastated by a ‘revolution’ that desceܫnd🦋ed into a brutal civil war, continues to struggle with chaos from which there seems to be no resolution.

Many observers contend that the situation in Syria extends beyond a mere civil war; it is an internationalised conflict, a humanitarian disaster and a testament to resilience in the face of extraordinary challenges. Furthermore, it underscores a failure of global re🍬sponsibility—a crisis that many wish to resolve, yet no one has been able to address effectively. To comprehend the roots of the Syrian crisis, it is imperative to first analyse the intricate social and political framework that unified the country prior to 2011. Syria has often been characterised as a complex mosaic, encompassing a population oﷺf Sunni Muslims, Alawites, Christians, Druze and Kurds. However, this diversity concealed profound structural inequalities and underlying tensions.

The Syrian conflict has evolved through several distinct phases. The first three years were marked by a strong revolutionary zeal, during which opposition groups succeeded in seizing control of key cities including Homs, Aleppo and Idlib. By 2014, the conflict transitioned into a new phase characterised by the emergence of ISIS and the involvement of foreign powers such as Iran and Russia. At present, ISIS is not only a significant threat to Syria, but has also emerged as a global menace. Its extreme violence overshadowed the initial revolutionary movement, thereby establishing an additional front in the ongoing war. The involvement of the Russian Federation in 2015 represented a critical turning point. Through its aerial capabilities and strategic backing, the Assad regime su🦹ccessfully regained significan🍰t territories, notably Aleppo. Iran and Hezbollah contributed ground forces, further shifting the balance in favour of Assad. Concurrently, the United States concentrated on combating ISIS, partnering with the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) to secure control in the northeastern region.

In response to concerns regarding Kurdish autonomy along its border, Turkey co♚mmenced its own military operations, establishing a buffer zone in northern Syria. The conflict evolved beyond a mere struggle among Syrians; it transformed into a proxy war where global powers competed for influence at the expense of the Syrian populace.

Thꦆe toll of the conflict on the Syrian people populace is nearly beyond comprehension. Over one million individuals have either lost their li𒅌ves or become incapacitated. And more than half of the country’s pre-war population—approximately 13 million people—has been compelled to seek refuge elsewhere. At present, the most optimistic yet less probable scenario involves a negotiated political resolution followed by democratic elections.

Central to the Syrian crisis is the plight of its numerous refugees. More than 5.5 million Syrians reside abroad, many in vulnerable circumstances. While some express a willingness to return, the vast majority remain hesitant, citing concerns regarding safety and the availability of essential services in their homeland. Although there are encouraging indications from both Syria’s new leadership and the international community, it appears that the path🐠 forward will be lengthy and complex, particularly in light of Israel’s occupation of additional Syrian territories and its government’s plans to increase the population in the Golan Heights region occupied since 1967.

(Views expressed are personal)

Yousef Wakkas is a Syrian writer, political activist and commentator who has been living in Italy since 1982, when he left the country following repeated persecution by the Hafez Al-Assad’s regime

(This appeared in the print as 'My Memory Is Full Of Ghosts')